In 2021, I wrote an article about why I felt that the British monarchy was worth keeping around. This piece will undoubtedly make several of the same points, but with the shift in perspective that the death of the UK’s longest reigning monarch brings.
This I will concede – it is fundamentally elitist that a single family can be born into the wealth and privilege that the royal family has. It is further unfair that these people are given a platform to use as they see fit, without ever having done anything to earn it. It is unjust that the most privileged family in Britain represent centuries of class warfare and racism, and ultimately cannot be seen to represent any group of British society.
However – and I recognize how uncomfortable “however” might sound following such a caveat – I am a monarchist. To be clear, monarchism differs from royalism in that it does not imply a support for one particular monarch. That said, I do limit my support for the monarchy to the case I know best: the British constitutional monarchy as it operates in the United Kingdom (and therefore not in the Commonwealth at large). Do not be under any illusions that I support the Saudi system of governance. With that said, here are a few thoughts on the British monarchy.
The monarch as the keystone of British constitutionalism
I feel that the British monarchy is an asset because it has evolved through time. In most countries where the sovereign was unwilling to move away from absolutism, I can understand why revolution was necessary to remove the yoke of absolute rule. However, the English (and then British) monarch’s powers have been restricted since 1215.
My support for the British monarchy is therefore a reflection of my understanding and appreciation for the British constitutional tradition. Although an international anomaly, our infamously uncodified constitution is, I would argue, a strong feature of our democracy (and I pray for the sake of our democracy that I will not be proved wrong, as political science is not known to be a discipline which teaches us to predict the future). I have many reasons for this belief, but I will limit my appraisal of the British constitution to what is relevant to this article: my strong sense that a constitutional rule entrenched in centuries of tradition is stronger than one which was written in a pocket-sized constitution. A constitutional custom can be both flexible and strong: it will be forgotten when irrelevant, adapt when times change, but remain steadfast when necessary. A written rule is, on the other hand, only worth a country’s faith in the paper it is written on. France, for example, has had fourteen constitutions – clearly a codified constitution can be torn up much more easily than a non-codified one.
There is nothing inherently democratic about having a codified constitution. It does not protect a regime from authoritarianism (only two countries in the world have uncodified constitutions, neither of which are part of the global majority of authoritarian and hybrid regimes).
If you can buy into that logic, then it follows that the monarchy is an inherent part of both the British constitutional tradition and democracy. First, it goes without saying that if we were to depose the monarchy, we would have to rewrite and codify our entire constitution. The strength of years of democratic practice would be lost in flimsy pages. Not to mention the fact that the writing of the constitution would be dominated by the governing party, and currently this is not a party which seems particularly interested in protecting democratic norms. Second, the monarchy is part and parcel of our democracy. There might be norms which state that the monarch has certain powers, but the custom that they do not exercise them weighs more than their technical ability to do so. The powers that the monarch has the right to exercise on paper do sound undemocratic. Yet in reality, it has been 400 years since the monarch refused to give a bill assent. The British system functions on convention, and so whilst I buy that technically the monarch could become a tyrant, I am personally of the opinion that we would not waste time removing the monarchy if it came to that.
It is for that reason that I was frustrated by the Swedish decision to update their constitution in 1975. Up until that point, the Swedish constitution had been largely irrelevant – they did have a written constitution, but no one ever cited it because its written provisions were broadly out of date and everyone was aware of the real customs governing Swedish politics. It was only when someone noticed that the Swedish constitution gave excessive powers to the monarch that they decided to update the constitution to demarcate the monarch’s new role. Some might argue that this was a judicious decision; for me it was a mistake to simplify years of democratic traditions into neat clauses which can be modified by a simple vote.
Facts speak louder than words
If, however, the British uncodified constitution has not seduced you, then let me make it plain that many of the most democratic countries in the world are constitutional monarchies (and not republics). Just as there is nothing inherently democratic about a codified constitution, there is also nothing inherently democratic about being a republic, as the tables below demonstrate.
Many of the issues that people cite about the British monarch’s powers can also be found in republics. It feels wrong that the British monarch is technically above the law. However, this does not overly concern me for two reasons. First, should King Charles break the law, I would like to believe that he would be forced to abdicate or that the monarchy itself would be done away with. Secondly, the leaders of many republics also cannot really be pursued in court – for example, this is the case of the French President and every Polish MP.
Moreover, those concerned that the British monarch has the right to exercise extensive powers should be aware that the same could also be said of many presidents. Any constitution that includes provisions for a State of Emergency are at risk of having those powers abused. One might argue that this is less problematic, as presidents are elected. To this I would respond that it will not matter whether they are elected or not if they abuse their powers to the detriment of democracy.
Back in 2021, I argued that when the monarch speaks, the United Kingdom actually feels united. Clearly, given the tensions surrounding whether we should have a monarchy at all, I cannot argue that here. Emotions are running incredibly high at the moment: many are weeping at the death of a monarch, others are angry that anyone should care. I will not defend the stories we have been hearing in the UK of republicans being arrested; clearly that goes against the mere principle of free speech. These arrests are, I feel, more closely connected to the Conservatives lackadaisical understanding of fair policing and the right to protest, which has been tested multiple times over diverse issues over the past few years.
I do, however, question some of the anger that people express over the mourning process. Republican or not, it is undeniable that the Queen represented a long period of British history, of massive transitions and significant progress. I think it is natural to want to mark that in some way. For a large portion of the British population, the Queen was truly beloved, someone who gave them strength in difficult times. The monarch provides a sense of stability in turbulent and confusing times. I recall tuning into the Queen’s speech in 2020, a time when I was unable to be with my family in England during the chaos and fears of the first lockdown, and how her speech helped me to feel somewhat connected to my home. I might not feel as strongly about the Queen’s passing as some, but ultimately I have no interest in attacking those who want to mark her death. I feel that many of these grievances are not a response to the existence of the monarchy per se, but to the society, the media and the government’s feverish obsession with it.
To conclude…
The very existence of a monarch is controversial, and I understand the grievances of those who argue that Britain should depose the monarchy. The pragmatist in me would argue that the ideals of abolitionists would be yet better defended by the continuation of the monarchy in Britain. I would prefer to focus my attention on the actual woodworm of British democracy: the Conservative Party.